NON-STATE ARMED ACTORS
Doruk MERAY tarafındanNon-state armed actors are organizations at the center of contemporary security debates, often challenging the boundaries of states both militarily and politically. These actors are organized outside the state structure, employ armed force, and pursue various ideological, ethnic, religious, or economic objectives. They encompass a wide spectrum, from terrorist organizations to ethnic militias, mercenaries, and mafia structures. Over time, technological advances, instability in regions with weaker states, and the resulting vacuum of international intervention have enabled these actors to become more influential on a global scale.
Among the first visible examples of non-state armed actors are armed movements resisting colonialism. For example, in Algeria after 1945, the FLN (National Liberation Front) fought against the French occupation and eventually gained independence in 1962. During the same period in Vietnam, the Viet Cong waged a guerrilla war against both the South Vietnamese government and US forces. This period was characterized by anti-imperialist non-state actors, shaped by popular support.
With the end of the Cold War, many armed actors, whose ideological support base had diminished, either disappeared or transformed. However, new types of threats emerged in this vacuum. Hezbollah in Lebanon (founded in 1982 to oppose the Israeli occupation) rose as both an armed group and a political party. During the same period, some of the mujahideen supported by the US in the 1980s later formed the foundation of al-Qaeda. Al-Qaeda attacked the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, targeted the USS Cole in 2000, and finally became a symbol of modern international terrorism with the attacks of September 11, 2001.
The US interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq after September 11th led to al-Qaeda opening branches in various regions (al-Qaeda in the Maghreb, the Arabian Peninsula, etc.). However, these interventions created instability, and the collapse of the state structure, particularly in Iraq, led to the emergence of new actors. The most significant of these was ISIS (Daesh), founded in 2006 through the transformation of al-Qaeda in Iraq. ISIS seized Mosul in 2014, declared a caliphate, and controlled vast territories from eastern Syria to western Iraq. ISIS became not only a regional threat but also a global security concern with attacks in cities such as Paris (2015), Brussels (2016), and Istanbul (2016).
During this period, non-state armed actors have become not only "non-state" but also state-backed proxy forces. The Houthis in Yemen are launching attacks on Saudi Arabia as an extension of Iran's regional influence; the PYD-YPG in Syria is acting as the US's ground force against ISIS; and Russian mercenaries like the Wagner Group are being used in crisis regions like Libya, Syria, and Ukraine. This demonstrates that non-state actors are no longer merely outside governments but have become direct instruments of some states' foreign policy.
In recent years, non-state armed actors have evolved into hybrid structures that are more geographically dispersed, utilize digital propaganda tools much more effectively, and blend conventional warfare with cyber and psychological warfare. The Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan, particularly after 2022, strengthened the ISIS-H (Khorasan) organization in the region. This organization's responsibility for the Moscow concert hall attack in 2024 reminded us that radical terrorism is not unique to the Middle East.
The rise of non-state armed actors often occurs where states leave authority gaps. They gain legitimacy by filling these gaps not only with armed force but also with social services (for example, Hezbollah's healthcare and education services). However, because many of these groups are not subject to international law, they do not hesitate to harm civilians or commit war crimes.
One of the biggest challenges in combating these actors is the lack of definition: A group that is a "freedom fighter" in one country may be considered a "terrorist organization" in another. Furthermore, the fact that some states use these actors as subcontractors in their foreign policies makes global cooperation impossible. The fact that non-state actors employ not only armed force but also multifaceted methods such as perception management, crypto-financing, and cyberattacks clearly demonstrates that combating these actors with traditional military strategies is insufficient.
SOURCE
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/23/the-rise-and-fall-of-the-isis-caliphate
https://apnews.com/article/4bb6446c484737fbe9dd1b9c26a899a9
https://www.911memorial.org/learn/resources/911-primer
https://www.brookings.edu/articles/nonstate-actors-in-armed-conflict/
Doruk MERAY
